English Legal History
3/17/2009
Outline

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A GLIMPSE AT THE LOCAL COURTS

 

1.

Contracts in courts other than K.B/C.P. We could do number on tort, but it would be a lot harder. These are wonderful cases to write papers about if you are still looking for a paper topic.

 

2.

The Fair court of St. Ives—late 13th century—(the place is in Huntingdonshire); franchisal court of the abbot of Ramsey by charter of 1110; for reasons that are not entirely clear (it may be related to the rise of the Staple courts) the court declined in the 14th century).

 

3.

Ribaud v. Russell, Mats. p. VII–33 (1287)

“Gilbert Ribaud complains of William Russell and Walter Clerk of Haddenham. Pledge to prosecute, his faith; pledge of the defendants, feathers.

“And Gilbert appears and complains of the said William and Walter, for that they unjustly detain from him and do not pay him 9s. 6d.; and unjustly because, whereas it was covenanted between him, Gilbert, and the said William and Walter, in the town of Bury St. Edmunds in the house of Alice Coterun, on the Monday before the feast of St. Nicholas last past, a year ago, that the said Gilbert should sell eleven sacks of feathers and that he should receive as his stipend 12d. for each sack, the said Gilbert as broker of the said William and Walter sold these sacks to a certain John Waterbailie of Provins. And after the said sale had been made the said Gilbert firmly believed that his stipend, 9s. 6d., would be paid to him according to the covenant (secundum convencionem); but the said William and Walter have detained the said money from him and still detain it, to his damage a half-mark. And he produces suit.

“The said Walter and William are present and deny all which should be denied word for word, and they are at their law. And because they cannot find pledges to make their law, the said Gilbert craves judgment against them, as against those who are convicted, both for the damages and for the principal.

“Wherefore it is awarded that the said William and Walter make satisfaction to the said Gilbert and be in mercy for the unjust detention. They are poor: pledge, their bodies. And afterwards they were liberated, each on his own pledge of faith.” 

 

a.

The use of the words ‘covenant’ and ‘detain’

 

b.

Note that wager fails sometimes. Let’s take a look at another case: Eltisley v. Barber, p. VII–33:

“John, son of John of Eltisley, complains of Roger Barber, for that he has unjustly broken a covenant with him; and unjustly because, whereas the said John was in the vill of Ramsey on the Monday after Epiphany last past, a year ago, in the house of Thomas Buck, the said Roger came there and undertook (manucepit) to cure his, John’s, head of baldness for 9d., which the said John paid in advance.

“The said Roger was present and denied tort and force, etc., and put himself on his law; and in finding pledges of his law withdrew from the bar without leave.”

The defendant leaves the bar in attempting to find pledges, a suggestion that he was desperate.

 

c.

What is the principle that determines whether a case goes to wager or to some other form of proof? It’s hard to tell. A majority of the cases go to wager of law. But Long’s Case (p. VII–34):

“Peter Long of London complains of Geoffrey of Cam and says that he unjustly detains from him 600 ells of canvas, which he, Peter, through his broker Hamon of Bury St. Edmunds, bespoke and bought from him in his booth in the vill of St. Ives, on the Friday after the feast of St. John before the Latin Gate, for 29s. the hundred and a farthing as a God’s penny, to his damage 40s. And he produces suit.

“The said Geoffrey is present and denies tort and force, etc., and says that he never sold the said canvas to the said Peter or to any broker of his; but he says that the said Hamon came to his booth and offered him 27s. for each hundred ells of the canvas and thereupon threw down a farthing as a God’s penny, against the will and without the assent of Geoffrey. And that this is true he craves may be inquired, and the adverse party does likewise; and a day is given them on Monday.”

 

d.

Hence, an inquest is used to determine what happened in a sales action. It may be that we have a survival here of the notion that real function of the judge is to determine who is to prove what and how.

 

4.

Colne v. Marshall, Mats. p. VII–33 (1287). No problem with damages in covenant.

“John, son of Alan of Colne, complains of Robert Marshall and his son Adam, and says that, whereas on Wednesday last he brought a certain horse of his to the workshop of the said Robert and Adam to have three of the said horse’s feet shod with new shoes and to have a fourth shoe removed for 2d., the said Robert and Adam removed the shoe from one foot of the said horse and put a new shoe on another foot, but they broke their covenant as to the other two feet; wherefore the said John by the delay of the said Robert and Adam lost the sale of his horse on that day from the third to the ninth hour, to his damage a half-mark.”

 

5.

Spicer v. Chapman, Mats. p. VII–34 (1300).

 

a.

John Spicer, Sat before Candlemas 24 Edw I, 1295/6 February; Peter Chapman gave J 60s, J gave P a horse worth 30s; 2d journey gave him another horse worth 25s; 3d journey lost 33 marks (433s, 4d), demands 1/3 of the loss (146s 8d), delivers 10s plus 50s worth of land (which must be a wash) and 10.5d to his great damage 100s; what we have below suggests that the damages claimed should have been 146s 8d, i.e., 11 marks, but he’s only claiming 100s, why?

 

Spicer/Chapman Account per Spicer

(amounts owed Chapman showed in negative)

Amount

Unit

LCD (pence)

Notes

–60

shillings

–720.0

original loan

30

shillings

360.0

horse

25

shillings

300.0

horse and saddle

60

shillings

720.0

messuage + cash

–55

shillings

–660.0

C's share of the profits

–10.5

pence

–10.5

C's share of the profits

10.5

pence

10.5

cash

 

 

0.0

Spicer owes Chapman

146

shillings

1752.0

 

8

pence

8.0

 

 

 

1760.0

=11 marks; Chapman's share of the loss

 

 

 

 

Spicer/Chapman Account per jury

–60

shillings

–720.0

original loan

20

shillings

240.0

2 horses

40

shillings

480.0

messuage + cash

 

 

0.0

Spicer owes C and C owes S

One way to reconcile the figures is to assume that the jury is right about the numbers and Spicer is right about the deal.
If so:

S owes C

–60.0

shillings

–720.0

original loan

 

–55.0

shillings

–660.0

profit

 

–10.5

pence

–10.5

profit

Subtotal

 

 

–1390.5

 

S pays C

20

shillings

240.0

2 horses

 

40

shillings

480.0

messuage + cash

Net

 

 

–670.5

S owes C

C owes S

11

marks

1760.0

loss on third trip

Net

 

 

1089.5

=93s 2d C owes S

Add 6s 10d for costs or rounding and you get 100s.

 

 

b.

Can we speculate as to why this deal went bad?  The jury’s ultimate verdict is implausible. Chapman (the word means merchant) is almost certainly not lending Spicer money gratuitously. Either they agreed to share in the profits and losses, in which case (assuming that the jury’s evaluations are right) Chapman owes Spicer 93s 2d, or Chapman was to get profits but not share in losses, in which case Spicer owes Chapman 55s 10.5d. Hence the jury split the difference. Why?

 

c.

Clearly the sale of porret seed in Scotland was a high-risk enterprise, but the potential rewards were also great. The first two trips (assuming that Spicer put in 120s to match the 60s) yielded a profit of 165s on an investment of 180s. That’s a 92% return. Of course, the third trip, if we believe Spicer’s numbers, yielded roughly a 360% loss. (Hard to imagine how that could have happened unless the 120s was only for buying the porret seed, and the Scots not only stole the seed but also stole Spicer’s animals, etc., on the third trip.)

 

d.

The principal thrust, however, of Spicer’s argument may not have anything to do with the harshness of the deal. It may be that if you (Chapman) are going to avoid the usury prohibition by taking a share of profits rather than direct interest, you have to share in the losses as well. This, then, is the proposition that the jury refuses to buy. One of the reasons, however, why it refuses to buy it is that it is able to see the transaction as wash for Chapman. If we take the jury’s evaluations, then Chapman got no profits, so we don’t have to get into the question whether he should share the losses as well.

 

e.

Apart from this speculation we can add a few solid legal points:

 

 

i.

No rule about single claim

 

 

ii.

Complex cases can be brought

 

 

iii.

Account, partnership

 

6.

The City of London (Whittington v. Turnebonis, Mat. p. VII–35)—It involves a former Lord Mayor of London, a huge sum of money (£296), a transaction involving the sale of prisoner taken at Agincourt, a special jury made up half of aliens and half of denizens, and the use of a jury in what is essentially a debt case.

 

7.

Staple courts—cutting out a certain class of cases

 

8.

Royal courts with a special arrangement for big deals, e.g., assizes at Southhampton (Dunstable v. Le Bal, 1278, p. VII–37): 

 

a.

The record is an extract from an assize roll of 1278. The commissioners of assize are one Solomon of Rochester and Mr. Thomas de Sutherington were almost certainly to take the assizes in Hampshire and perhaps also to deliver the jails. Our case, is heard pursuant to a special writ issued out of the chancery, which tells the commissioners, in effect, “oh, by the way, as long as you’re out there, hear this case too.”

 

b.

The writ is not one of the standard writs in the register for beginning litigation (though G.D.G. Hall’s edition for the Selden Society of Early Registers of Writs does contain a couple of writs in which matters are to be determined “according to the law merchant”). The writ recites, in a long “whereas” clause (foreshadowings of the famous “whereas” clause in trespass on the case), the basics of Dunstable’s complaint. The king orders his commissioners to inquire into the matter in a rather precise way:  They are to do it in the presence of lawful and discreet merchants and citizens of Winchester and by the oath of upright and lawful men of Winchester.  By these two groups the commissioners are to find out the truth of the matter and swift and appropriate amends are to be made in accordance with their findings and in accordance with the law merchant.

 

c.

Is the “law merchant” a set of substantive rules or whether it is simply a set a procedures. That the procedure/substance distinction does not come easily to the men of this period makes it all the harder. We can read the writ in two ways: (1) if you find this to be true, then make an award according to the law merchant (in which case the law merchant simply tells you how to calculate the remedy for something that has already been determined to be actionable), or (2) if you find this to be true and if it is the sort of thing for which the law merchant provides redress, then supply redress. I lean toward the first interpretation, but you don’t have to.

 

d.

What’s Dunstable’s gripe?  He bought wool on the basis of samples.  When he opened up the wool in a foreign market (S. Omer, Artois, modern Pas de Calais, close to the border of Flanders), it did not conform to his samples, indeed it was “vile, useless and altogether differing from his agreement.”  Hence, he lost £100.

 

e.

What kind of action is this?  An action for breach of warranty of quality in sales of goods. One hundred years later such actions will be heard in the CB using a variety of the action on the case. In 1307, such an action was maintained in King’s Bench on the theory of deceit (Ferrers v. Dodford, Mats, p. VII–19), but that case had a special royal interest. In all probability this action could not have been maintained in the central royal courts in this period, at least not as a matter of course.

 

f.

There was probably one or more merchant or local court which would have been competent to hear this case, and the writ itself shows that there is nothing about the case that is conceptually beyond what the men of this era could conceive of as actionable.  So why the special procedure?

 

g.

We know that Edward I was interested in providing a forum for merchants. Whether this is because he perceived, if dimly, that an effective court structure is an important element of commercial infrastructure or whether he had more personal reasons is perhaps unknowable, but the fact is that he did this.

 

h.

Some clue as to the reason for royal intervention in this case can be found in the numbers. If my arithmetic is right, the total sales price is £482 13s 4d, or 724 marks. This is a huge deal. You could hire 241 carpenters for a year for this amount of money.

 

i.

The numbers also tell us something else. “Vile and useless” is almost certainly an exaggeration. Even the plaintiff is only claiming a 20% reduction in value. The jury, as we will see, puts the loss at less than ten percent.

 

j.

When the parties are present before the court, the plaintiff counts. We may be in the strange world of the law merchant and a special royal authorization for something that is called an inquest, but there are some constants. Lawsuits begin with the plaintiff laying out his claim orally before the court. The claim is basically the same as in the writ, except that Dunstable adds that when the S. Omer merchants discovered that they were being cheated, he, Dunstable, stood in peril of his life.

 

k.

The next thing that happens is strange (this is in the full record not in Fifoot’s extracts). Ball challenges the jurisdiction of the court on the ground that he was not properly summoned. He also says that the sheriff forced him to come. The justices (apparently) say that coercion should not be used in this type of case (their statement is very broad, and cannot be maintained as a general matter). Then the sheriff denies coercion and says that he gave Ball three days’ notice, which the assessors say is adequate under the law merchant.  The speed with which a case in law merchant can proceed is one of its chief characteristics. Ball then leaves court in a huff, but the justices make no attempt to bring him back; they simply call his departure contempt and proceed to take the jury’s verdict.

 

l.

The jury basically confirms Dunstable’s story. They do say that the amount of wool delivered to Dunstable was only one and half sacks short rather than two and half as Dunstable had claimed. They also considerably reduce Dunstable’s claimed damages. Assuming that Hall’s arithmetic is right, the total loss on the whole shipment is £39 16s 8d, to which the assessors (note the shift here between the jury and the assessors) add 20 marks in costs (£13 6s 8d). The justices enter the judgment (except that, whether by clerical error or by design we cannot tell, the sum is left out), and Ball is to be arrested (a rather harsh process for execution of judgment, at least as an initial matter, but the justices probably were not too pleased when Ball walked out on them).

 

m.

We emphasize, on the one hand, that the ideas are sophisticated and the jury seems to know what it’s doing. Yes, you got fewer sacks than you were entitled to but not as many fewer as you claim. Yes, the wool was worth less than you it would have been if it had been what was warranted, but it wasn’t worth that much less. How does the jury know this?  Clearly, they’re “plugged in” to some kind of mercantile gossip market; perhaps it is provided by the assessors. It is possible that Ball was not a crook but simply that the wool deteriorated while it was in his hands, but I think it unlikely. The fact that the wool in the sample sacks was worth what he said it was worth suggests that he deliberately put his best sacks forward. It’s an old trick. There are provisions in the Roman law of sale about this.

 

n.

On the other hand, and ultimately, we don’t know how effective this process was. We’ve got a sophisticated judgment but the defendant is no place to be found. Without more we cannot tell whether Dunstable ever collected and that is the ultimate test of whether the process is effective. The procedures in the Statute of Merchants and the Statute of Staple give more assurance of collection, but they involve restructuring the deal into the form of penal bonds. That is, of course, the story of how big-time commercial deals were handled in the later Middle Ages, and it is also one of the reasons why it took so long for the common law to develop a sophisticated commercial law.

 

9.

Exchequer—note the jurisdictional gimmick in Pylate v. Cause (1299, p. VII–42): James Pylate, a merchant of Douai, is described as a yeoman of Walter, Bishop of Coventry and LichWeld, Treasurer of the lord King in order to give the court jurisdiction; note the bearer paper in Le Feytur’s Case (1309, p. 504) (unclear how jd. was obtained here): the buyer promised to pay £55 for 22 cloths of ray of Ghent bought from sellers in the Fair of St. Botulph, to be paid to the same sellers or to anyone bearing this letter at London.

 

10.

The ecclesiastical courts: Chart c. Foster, York BI CP.F. 321 (1511), p. VII–41:

“The aforesaid Oliver Foster, at a time before the feast of St. Lawrence recently past, bought and received from the aforesaid George Chart forty sheep, forty lambs and twenty hogs worth £6 6s 8d.

“The same Oliver on the day of delivery and receipt of the said sheep, lambs and hogs, paid 26s 8d in part payment of the said sum of £6 6s 8d.

“The same Oliver by his oath faithfully promised the same George to pay £5 the rest of the same £6 6s 8d on a certain day now past.

“The aforesaid Oliver, thus requested as is aforesaid has delayed and refused to pay or deliver to the same George the said £5, just as he delays and refuses at the present time.

“The aforesaid are true, public notorious, and manifest, etc.”

 

a.

There are lots of these. The number runs into the 100’s on the records, in the 1000’s in reality.

 

b.

This case is typical. The elements.

 

c.

In the early decades of the 16th century the number declines precipitously.

 

d.

We will see tomorrow that competition from the king’s courts may not be the answer.

 

e.

Why would Chart bring his case in the York consistory?  Why would Foster allow it to stay there?

 

 

 

 

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